Serving the Nation
It is not just that the Indian economy is drifting
rudderless. And possibly towards the shoals where it could run aground. And
this, a debacle from near iconic status as the second fastest growing economy
in the world.
This drift in the ship of state is being attributed to
“policy paralysis”, descriptive also of the lack of serious accountability in
governance. But it is indeed a Government paralysed, in denial, immune to
criticism, practising the “masterful inaction” much favoured by the father of
reforms Mr. PV Narasimha Rao, cynically hanging on to power without discharging
the function it was elected to perform. It seems to be at loggerheads with
itself and its allies and unlikely to take any reformist initiatives till the
general elections of 2014.
This has resulted in the slowing of growth in the GDP from 9
per cent to less than 7. And in the ebbing of optimism nationally and
internationally with regard to the “India Story”.
On top of this, there is inexplicably cheeseparing activity
such as the proposed GAAR to trap those taking advantage of perfectly
legitimate tax treaties with Mauritius, and even retrospective legislation to
extract tax from multinationals and others for acquisition/sale of enterprise/India
based entities. This is rightly seen as avoidable chicanery with a Stalinist
streak. After all, entities such as Vodafone were well within their rights per
the prevailing laws of the time, as clarified and upheld by the Supreme Court
of India.
Some, like economist Mr. Ruchir Sharma suggest the India
Story was a chimera in the first place, caused by the “rising of all boats” in
the 2003 to 2007 period, when the world economy powered on, driven forward on a
sea of liquidity. Till that is, it floundered against the Lehman Brothers
icebergs of Wall Street in 2008.
That was the beginning of the end of the party of rank
excess, and it will be a long decade or more before the rosiness returns to the
financial hubs of the West.
Happily Mr. Sharma astutely also thinks that India is
capable of changing gear to “break out” the soonest amongst all the emerging
economies in the BRICS. The break out will have to shun complacency though,
because the next time around is unlikely to be based on just global liquidity
to propel us forward. Our policy makers and entrepreneurs alike will have to
show real merit and initiative to make the difference.
Mr. Sharma’s first observation is harsh hindsight, and may
be something of the revisionism that has seized some observers. But even if one
subscribes to this logic, it is clear that a national policy effort to indeed
bring about an economic high-tide that raises all boats is a classic win-win
formula. It has the added strength of being both non-doctrinaire and
non-discriminatory.
As for the second break-out idea, Mr. Sharma knows and we
know, that given the Indian context of gross indiscipline and the way our
reactive democracy works, it will be riddled with ifs and buts. Getting India
to move forward and let go of its hard wired self-image of poverty exploited by
generations of politicians, its petty concerns at the expense of the big
picture, and particularly to have it adhere to a consistent plan, is no easy
task.
As a country poised on the edge of destiny despite itself, we
will have to find a way. After all, it is debatable whether we arrived at our
growth by design or default thus far. The obvious reality looking forward is
that we need a lot more infrastructure and modernisation because we persist in
living in several centuries at the same time.
But given the wherewithal, Indian intelligence, enterprise
and ingenuity, much admired around the globe, will utilize the resultant
opportunities on their own. With the
help of building block enablers, such as roads, rail, ports, airports, power,
water, IT and so on, which many countries are fortunate to take for granted, we
could have a very reasonable India story indeed.
Right now, most things are hopelessly antiquated, over-burdened
and choked off because of avoidable policy lassitude. And this even as we have
changed tremendously over 20 years since the reform process properly began in
1991. As an Indian, it is therefore only natural to be caught fuming in the
logjam wondering how long it will be before we can become a developed nation.
However, the demand is there, and that is the main thing.
Not only is it there, it is there domestically, in the urban and rural areas
alike, from the middle classes and the rich, bigger in number than most
national populations, and from the poor too, who are themselves twice as
numerous. India does not particularly need the global market to grow, and that
is a most advantageous position enjoyed by very few economies.
Potentially, as a consequence of our 1.2 billion people today,
the demand projections do look rosy, as do the perceived aspirations, but the
reality is disappointing. Much of the demand in every sector of the economy is
inadequately, inefficiently and crudely serviced. Our slow downs are
unnecessary. And our prosperity is tantalisingly within our reach if not our
grasp. But very little political thought actually goes towards nurturing the
economy.
Economic growth is seen as something that favours the rich
become richer still. It is a message that can be twisted too easily by rivals
at the hustings. Whereas freebies and give-aways, subsidies, loans and
hand-outs to the poor are seen as politically productive, even as they help to
further damage our economic health.
The international rating agencies, watching parameters such
as the GDP, Capital formation and utilisation, the deficit, investment and so
on, and the development banks, such as the IMF, the ADB and the World Bank too,
are giving India the thumbs down presently. Somehow all the euphoria with
regard to this country seems to have vanished.
All this, while inflation rages on, bloating the food bills
of every man. There is also the somewhat
bizarre debate about the absurdly low per capita figures that rule the poverty
line as defined by the Planning Commission. In addition, The National Sample Survey
Organisation (NSSO) data on household expenditure quoted by Left leader Mr.
Sitaram Yechury recently, says over 60 per cent of the people in every state
seem to be below even the Rs. 28 per head expenditure a day.
And this is cited as the level of income below which true
penury begins, qualifying for Government relief programmes! There are about 360
million people below the Planning Commission poverty line, without going into
the far larger numbers which the NSSO data suggests.
The political hot potato such poverty numbers suggest
preoccupies the mind-space of every politician, but none seem able to dare
break out of the vicious cycle of such poverty politics into the next stage of
aspirations met and choices increased for the people. The tried and tested
distribution of Government largesse, even if somewhat dog-eared with over use,
is preferred to the uncharted territories of macro-level growth lest the
trickle down effect is not thought to be effective enough. The lessons of the
ill-fated “India Shining” political
campaign has not been lost on the polity.
Besides a good deal of our present woes are imported. Petroleum
prices, not only at the pump but because of ever increasing demand, are boosting
cost push inflation with every barrel of crude purchased. The Western economies
are moribund after a very long innings of leveraged growth, but are
nevertheless awash with speculative money at near zero percent interest. And
this money, as in the earlier days of liquidity, is scouring the world
economies and its commodities for a quick speculative buck.
The economic thinking behind this is that austerity will
kill the West much faster than continued spending, albeit redirected and better
harnessed than before. Sometimes it is even linked to security. As Vice
President Mr. Joe Biden says as part of President Obama’s re-election bid this
year: “Osama Bin Laden is dead and General Motors is alive”.
We are, of course, most adept at making problems for
ourselves in addition to the macro challenges of a global economy in varying
degrees of trouble. To wit, the Left thinks the wooing of the public-private
partnership (PPP) model is the culprit and has resulted in the betrayal of the
hopes of the poor. It thinks anything private just puts up the prices beyond
their reach. And almost every political party tends to have to chime in with
their own Leftist mantras in order to not be discarded by the electorate.
The pantheon of Indian business, industry and the multi-nationals
however, are exasperated. They feel that almost none of the hoped for reforms
or liberalisations have materialised during more than three years of the
current Government. Things pending from UPA I are also left undone.
Interest rates are amongst the highest in the world at this juncture.
Capital is scarce. Coalition pulls and tugs, plus differences of approach and
emphasis between the Government and the ruling Party are making it very
difficult to govern.
Besides the future too is undecided. General Secretary Rahul
Gandhi is still searching for his political metier and traction. This has
involved some old fashioned minority appeasement and socialism combined with a
modern management approach, but is still very much a work in progress. Here
too, there is very little emphasis on the revival of the economy.
So we slide from bad to worse with FII and FDI drying up
alongside. And yet the longed for action to resolve our problems does not come.
In fact, even as growth plummets, welfarism gains ground alongside a yawning
fiscal deficit heading towards the unmanageability of stagflation.
India seems to be at a crossroads of its destiny because
nothing is being done to keep both horses, that of growth and welfarism going
strong. But at the crossroads we do face stark choices. One road will take us
back into the mire. This is the way of reckless welfarism with scant regard for
balancing the books. The bills and IOUs after all will be presented after the
2014 general elections, when all is already lost and won.
The focus of such largesse is to cater to a voting public
far removed from the intelligentsia or the media, but spawned and reared on a
culture of socialism over our first 40 years as an independent nation. It
doesn’t work very well in 2012 or 2014, with its developmental aspirations, but
there are many in powerful places who think it to be their best bet to retain
power.
As for stimulating the economy, the jury seems to be out on
the political dividend. The rich are not much good at voting and neither are
they numerous. As for getting money from them for any purpose, it has never
been difficult to do so for the political classes.
Hence the complicit policy paralysis, though nothing
explains adequately why nothing to speak of was done in the three plus years
already run through. But presently, no one wants to bell the cat before the
general elections, not even the Opposition. Everyone is looking for vote
catching stratagems. Nothing else really matters.
So Government is deaf to the learned arguments of
international economists and inured to the criticisms of the Opposition who are
themselves very keen to avoid being perceived as anti-people in any way.
And so the economy is held hostage to the imperatives of
electoral politics. The good thing about all this is that there is nothing
fundamentally wrong that can’t be taken up once the political battle is over.
Let us just hope the collateral damage of inaction is not too great. This is,
after all, the price we pay for our freedom and political system.
It’s good to know however, for the long run particularly,
that most of our present predicament is self inflicted and we are not unable to
fix it when we get around to finally wanting to.
(2,000 words)
1st May
2012
Gautam Mukherjee
Published as Cover Story in The Sunday Pioneer in the AGENDA Section as "India no longer shining" on 13th May 2012
Published as Cover Story in The Sunday Pioneer in the AGENDA Section as "India no longer shining" on 13th May 2012
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