Steptoe, Soprano
& Sons
Between Criminality and the Hereditary Factor, our
parliament accounts for about 40% of its numb ers and total strength, though
everyone of these worthies are not necessarily in the Lok Sabha.
There are no ready statistics to hand on the State Assemblies,
but this situation is probably no better in the provinces either. It is,
combined with the automatic protection afforded by our log-jammed legal system,
a spider web of cronyism and family shops riddled with absolute power, mutual
support and corruption.
It makes it no better to do business in India than in the
more unstable parts of Sub-Saharan Africa. The great lure is, of course, the
gargantuan size of the Indian market, which is only second to that of China. It
makes the pain of birth worthwhile to some.
Whoever has an inside track, is in. It is no wonder that
almost all MNCs which have been in India for long are expanding and
consolidating their shareholding.
Others like Walmart and Ikea, still on the threshold, continue to hesitate. The global rule
book does not apply here. The graft and corruption is impossible to avoid, the
delays are interminable, and all budgets are guaranteed to be exceeded. But,
for the bold, the ones that care nothing for broken promises and abrupt
retractions, it may still be worthwhile.
But yes, if one is outside, there is little hope of getting
in without a mountain of payola. It may be best to run while one still can with
no harm done.
How is this ever going to change? Native Indians never ask
ourselves this futile question fit for school-house debates.
Thing is, it probably won’t as a rule, but will alleviate
somewhat when more and more disinterested,
public-minded and financially honest grass-roots leaders like Narendra Modi are
elected to high office. That is provided that they are, and manage to bring
about a change in how we function.
At least the IAS and IFS, despite their notorious networks
and increasing politicisation, involve a fair amount of education and the passing of highly competitive exams. The Armed Forces do well enough in caste and
creed terms, but some of our flashiest Harrys are present or past arms dealers.
The Higher Judiciary, doing its best to keep the integrity
of the country and its Constitution intact, is also known to be corrupt in
parts. But these are people who work for their money however ill-gotten.
What hereditary politics takes alas is money, a huge amount,
but already accumulated by the family, much privilege, that immensity of family
influence, political familiars, and not very much else, at least to get started.
As for the criminal element, it is expert at taking a mile
from every inch, and is robustly, menacingly self- reliant. And ever- ready to
do others a favour for a price. Social service as such acquires new meaning in this
context.
A recent Business
Standard report in the wake of the
current ordinance controversy, says as many as 72 sitting MPs, are, or are
about to be, convicted criminals- 18 from the BJP, the highest number, 14 from the
Congress, 8 from the SP, 6 from BSP, 4 from AIDMK, 3 from JDU, and 2 from the
Communist Parties. Another 17 come from small parties, the kind that can be
bought to make up the numbers in post- poll scenarios.
And a full 27% plus of the MPs are sons or daughters or
wives or grandchildren and/or otherwise related of/to well-known politicians.
Patrick French, the British historian, wrote a book
published in 2011 in which he listed about 150 persons thus placed in
parliament. The detailed analysis says 100% of all new MPs under age 30 are
dynasts.
It is an Open Sesame of a formula. If dynasty
works for the Nehru- Gandhis, legitimised by the sanitising power of the vote,
the “what is wrong in it” factor as expressed by Supriya Sule, Mahratta
strongman and NCP Supremo Sharad Pawar’s daughter; it automatically supplies the
necessary role model for the rest.
In the dynasty stakes at least, if not in criminality, the
BJP has the smallest numbers as yet, but that is probably because of its meagre
years in power. The regional parties are family limited enterprises, almost
across the board from Kashmir to Kanya Kumari.
And these regional satrapies are likely to take in as many
as 150 seats between them in 2014. They will make or break any Government that
comes to power led by the BJP or the Congress. Unless they find a way to unite
enough to head it themselves. The only way out is if the electorate in its
wisdom votes The BJP or Congress in with over 200 seats, as in 2009. That would
limit their clout.
The lead from the top legitimises these things that add up
to a subversion of the original intent. Mrs Indira Gandhi more or less kicked
off the trend to set up farm houses or country homes or low density residences, for example, by buying her own
farm near Chattarpur in New Delhi in the late Seventies or early Eighties.
Today Chattarpur and all its contiguous South Delhi villages
are populated with hundreds o opulent farm houses valued at thousands of crores
of rupees. And the trend has spread all around the country with the well-to-do
buying weekend homes at a reasonable distance to serve as getaways.
But as far as criminality in parliament goes, the Supreme
Court has put a spoke in the wheel now, and better quality candidates may
indeed emerge if the dictat is enforced strictly.
The hereditary MPs though are a different kettle of fish.
The justification goes that scions of political families, others related in various
ways, like the erstwhile royalty from our princely states, many indeed are both
political and royal, understand the space.
They have lived in the political atmosphere since birth,
breathing and eating in the midst of it. But, not having had to struggle too
hard at anything, are they really fit to govern because they are to the manner
born?
But then, how much of the true spirit of India is in the
hands of these entrepreneurial politicians of every hue and their file-wielding
bureaucrats; no matter how incompetent or rapacious?
Doesn’t India actually run itself with just a little help
from God?
(1,054 words)
October 2nd,
2013
Gautam Mukherjee
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