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Wednesday, May 28, 2014

That Superannuated Article 370




That Superannuated Article 370

The votes that the NDA needs to change the status of Article 370 applied to J&K reside in the Lok Sabha. This is based on the principle that any Indian constitutional position can be superceded, revoked/changed, either by a new resolution duly voted in, or perhaps by constitutional amendment, if called for.

That would, presently, involve 362 votes out of 543, two-thirds, calculating it on the absolute full strength of the lower house, rather than the members present. The figure is approximately 30 votes greater than the strength of the NDA as it stands in this 16th Lok Sabha.

With some good floor management in the Lok Sabha using, for example, the additional support of Tamil Nadu’s  Madame Jayalalithaa, and perhaps a smidgen of votes from Navin Patnaik’s Orissa. The winning vote, at the end of the debate, could go very well if the NDA plus is on the same page. And if a joint session of parliament is called, it could go through on a majority overall, with a clear two-thirds in the Lok Sabha included.

The ‘consent’ of J&K itself can be obtained in a number of ways, including a ‘sense of the house’ in the J&K Assembly, combined with a sense of the street, which, it must be emphasised, includes Jammu and Ladakh. These regions and their people would like to see a demographic shift, more ‘Indians’ in the state, able to own property, and invest freely. None of this is possible while Article 370 subsists, except, of course, by proxy and using local sponsors.

Both of these regions have felt seriously short-changed by the State Government for ages. It is a long-standing sense of discrimination and neglect. Then there is the resentment of the Pandits from the Valley, who have been more or less expelled to a man, rendering them stateless, with their property ruthlessly usurped.

This ‘ethnic cleansing’ of Pandits is not only criminal, a violation of their human rights, unconstitutional, morally wrong, brutally majoritarian to boot, but absolutely nothing has been done by the State Government to coax them back or compensate them in any way. This despite the fact that the J&K Government and people live on Union of India funding, as  the state earns very little money on its own, from tourism, handicrafts and the like.

The inordinate prickliness emanating from the Kashmir Valley all the time normally ends up obscuring this fact, and lends some credence to the notion that the main beneficiaries of the Article in question are the Abdullah family running the National Conference, and the Saeed family running the rival PDP. They could be the Cabots and the Lodges running post robber-baron Boston, if one goes by their outraged sense of entitlement alone. And how quick they have been to condemn the idea of even a discussion to revoke Article 370!

Electorally, BJP and its allies have done well this time in Jammu and in Ladakh, and must deal with the sense of unfairness and grievance these regions suffer from. So, this is not quite the open and shut case we are being asked to accept, with an apparent veto in the hands of Chief Minister Omar Abdullah. Constitutional experts and legal beagles outside J&K have very different views from the ones Omar Abdullah is espousing as the only given one.

They, other legal opinions, jointly and severally, can throw up quite a few interesting ways to revoke Article 370.  The Article was, historically, a fairly typical Nehruvian folly in the first place, and intended to be ‘temporary’ in his own write, and as remembered on his recent 50th death anniversary on the 27th.

But after six decades going on seven, this sense of ‘intended’ transience is probably to be viewed in the broadest philosophical sense. But what is undeniable is that the excesses caused by the restraints of this pesky Article are costing the Union of India a lot of money to little purpose, and over the spending and usage of which it has little control. To add insult to injury, the separatists in the Valley, the terrorist sympathisers and helpers, are treated with kid gloves by the state administration.

In addition, the Indian Armed and Paramilitary Forces, the Intelligence Agencies, have been kept busy securing the border state at enormous expense while being blamed for ‘excesses’ and ‘false encounters’. They have, in fact, suffered more casualties in ‘peace-time’ J&K postings, than in all the wars this country has fought since 1947.

As for the process itself, there is as little to prevent it, given enough support for it, apart from political noise from NC and PDP.  It will be recalled that when Mrs Indira Gandhi revoked the privy purses of hundreds of hereditary ‘princes’, granted to them by solemn, irrevocable, sovereign guaranteed treaty; what could they do about it?

The private banks on their part definitely did not enjoy it when the self-same Mrs. Gandhi nationalised them either.

So, while changing the status of J&K has important security implications vis a vis the separatists, Pakistan, possibly China, Russia, and even the West, just how much fuss should the Union of India really tolerate from the highly subsidised state apparatus out of Srinagar?  

(866 words)
May 28th, 2014

Gautam Mukherjee

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