Panagariya who has been Chief Economist at the Asian
Development Bank, has worked in the World Bank, and various United Nations
organisations, is steeped in matters
Indian though located in faraway New York. He runs a journal named India Policy Forum and teaches a course
at Columbia on the Indian Political Economy.
In fact, the Columbia University professorial duo of
Bhagwati-Panagariya have long been regarded as the preferred economic ideologues for the Indian right-of-centre that
have clustered around the BJP in recent years.
Originally, the BJP, emerging from the Jan Sangh as the
political expression of the RSS, was indeed known as a Party of “Hindu
Nationalists”: Traders, the higher castes, cultural chauvinists, majoritarians;
but it has drastically remade itself to become far more inclusive lately.
This profound and fundamental change is evidently confusing its opponents who have long been comfortable branding it ‘communal’, as also its old-style
adherents, who are angry at not finding much resonance for their prejudiced views
in Modi’s policy slogan of ‘Sabka Saath,Sabka Vikas’.
The outrage and sense of bewilderment from both sides of the
divide is currently in noisy and raucous play. Nevertheless, the shifting of
gears, that began decisively with the choice of Narendra Modi as the prime
ministerial candidate, has definitely taken place.
The BJP, Government and Party, is now controlled by a post-
independence generation, led by Narendra Modi and Amit Shah, with the full
approval and support of a revamped RSS led by Mohan Bhagwat . Now, seven months
on, with Panagariya tipped to become the first Vice-Chairman of the newly
formed Niti Aayog, the cornerstone to
the future direction of our economic edifice has also been firmly set .
Panagariya asserts
that India can achieve a growth rate of 6.5% in 2015 itself, given a toned up
administration and quicker decision- making; a full percentage point higher
than other estimates. He plumps for infrastructure development, particularly in
the provision of electricity to industry, and believes in empowering the States
to compete in the development stakes.
And this idea of competition is the basis of the free-market.
News of Panagariya’s
impending appointments is momentous. For the first time, a free-market
economist will be operationally heading the nation’s premier and official ‘think-tank’. It marks a
firm departure from centralised planning that has grown ineffective and
out-dated.
With the Prime Minister, a former CM himself, as Chairman,
several other Union Ministers and all the Chief Ministers on board; the Niti Aayog will be much more democratic and federalised
than its predecessor, both in its policy
prescriptions and decision-making.
But of course, at first, with the Opposition determined to
oppose the Government wherever it can with its filibustering, the Aayog will
find greater acceptance in the States ruled by the BJP and its allies in the
NDA, and those outside of it, a growing band, leaning towards the BJP led
Government at the Centre.
With Panagariya in-charge of operations with full cabinet
rank, there is every chance of a number of other notable free-market economists
and thinkers being inducted into Niti
Aayog. This will mark a complete departure from the 80s style arch-leftist,
bafflingly revisionist and anti-business complexion of the former National
Advisory Council (NAC).
The Modi Government has gradually been moving away from
Welfarism as the answer to poverty. This has been aided by a lowering of
inflation caused by a dramatic drop in the price of petroleum, metals and
commodities. Subsidies and grants, at the core of Welfarism, are, of course,
difficult to do away with, until the engines of growth properly kick in; and
the Government has been mindful of this. But with the chronic fiscal deficits
plaguing our mostly inefficient economy, there is urgent need for a sea- change
in policy. With Niti Aayog supported by the Government in the Centre and the
States, the entire process will pick up speed.
The Aayog will institutionalise the Modi Government’s
commitment to productivity, growth, infrastructure and efficiency, as much
better alternatives to socialism and the subsidy Raj.
The Planning Commission, inspired by the USSR in our first
flush, has been increasingly less useful since liberalisation began in 1991,
and more so as the States of the Union have gained in stature and autonomy. Reduced
to irrelevance, it became controversial, gaining some notoriety for making
absurd projections and comments on the poverty-line and then seeking to defend
it. In the latter-day, the Commission
was also at loggerheads with many of the States.
(806 words)
January 3rd,
2015Gautam Mukherjee
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